This post was originally published on this site.
There has been quite a bit of hand wringing over the possible decrease in Black American Democratic participation rates in the upcoming November election most specifically among Black male voters. Much of the analysis has centered on Black men feeling disaffected and possibly abstaining in this consequential upcoming election. Just recently former President Obama had stern words for Black men, admonishing them and hypothesizing that their perceived less than enthusiastic support for candidate Harris was steeped in misogyny. Some analysts are concerned this enthusiasm gap among Black men could spell serious trouble for Vice President Kamala Harris and possibly serve as a key factor if she is unsuccessful on election night. This concern also extends beyond the 2024 presidential election to an albeit small but increasing number of Black men who are running as Republicans and upholding the conservative and exclusive policies of the GOP.
The concerns surrounding possible Black male apathy and waning interest in the party should be examined. However, the obsession with Black men possibly contributing to the reelection of Donald Trump places attention, blame, and scapegoating on a population of voters who turn out and support the Democratic party at the second greatest percentage rates, second only to Black women. Translation, although Black men may be increasingly more vocal about their critiques of the Democratic party, they still overwhelmingly support Democratic candidates running for office.
The concern seems to be that Black men are moving away from the Democratic party, a possible scenario we will have a much clearer picture of post November 5th. Are Black men disaffected, possibly. Exit poll data will tell us the locales and socioeconomic status of the Black men the Democratic party needs to reach in subsequent elections. As of now, we do know that Black women (and Black men) have been and continue to be the keepers of the Democratic party and democracy more broadly.
Black women may vote at greater rates than Black men, roughly five percentage points greater each presidential election season, but Black men are still exponentially more likely to support the Democratic party at greater rates than Latino, Asian, and especially white voters.
Let’s back up a moment. In many ways Black voters are trapped in a single party system. The ideological diversity of Black voters is largely “captured” by the Democratic party because the Republican party has chosen to cast their lot with white supremacists and myriad anti-Black racist policy proposals and candidates. Third parties do not always provide a safe haven for Black voters’ desires for electoral advancement. Therefore, Black voters tend to vote strategically, even when dissatisfied with the choice(s) presented to them.
Black voters don’t always vote based on aspirations. Rarely if ever do Black voters have the luxury of being single issue voters, no matter how important or pressing the cause. For Black voters writ large, political issues are intersectional. For example, one cannot discuss the carceral state without linking it to the interlocking systems of failed educational practices, segregated housing, disinvestment in communities and employment opportunities, and so much more. Past and present day inequities affect Black people and Black communities in ways that influence how they see themselves in political processes. Therefore, most often, Black voters strategically understand that in many electoral scenarios, maintaining the protectionist phase of politics transcends advancement.
Black voters must fundamentally understand white people in order to survive, let alone have a modicum of a chance to thrive in this nation. Therefore, it is imperative to Black electoral survival and advancement to understand the white voter as well. The strategy behind the Black vote and the overwhelming support for the Democratic party has been a strategic choice, one that frustrates some Black voters who argue that the party now takes the Black vote for granted and no longer works to address the policy needs and wants of an increasingly diverse black population – socioeconomically, geographically, and ethnically to start.
Black voters are used to carving out wins in an imperfect system with imperfect choices. Often Black voters know their second or even third choice will give them a greater chance of getting something, especially when the option of receiving nothing is a real and not just a perceived threat.
Donald Trump is a real threat to Black people. However, as bell hooks so eloquently laid out, the lure of white supremacy, anti-Black racism, patriarchy, and capitalism are not solely the desires of white men. For decades, Trump has portrayed a level of bravado, economic success, and overall supremacy that many people, not just Black men, find attractive and aspirational. His no nonsense governing style and performance of dominance presents a patriarchal standard that many men aspire to. The legacy of this type of male leadership has in many ways been ingrained into the American psyche as the pinnacle of success, not just on his popular television show but in unquestioned media portrayals of him for over thirty years.
Knowing the ills Trump unleashed on Black communities, ranging from targeted policies of disinvestment to intentional neglect, still in the eyes of some Black voters, Kamala Harris is a less than perfect choice. However, I will wait for the electoral returns to illustrate whether Black voters are willing to abandon the party that gives them at least a chance of receiving some policy benefits that align with overarching Black political needs…pocketbook issues.
Black women and men tend to go to the polls with not just their best interests in mind, but with the strategic knowledge of how others may behave. The past seventy-five years have shown clear data of not just white women, but white people voting against their own interests for fear that “the others” will receive benefits.
My favorite President Lyndon B. Johnson quote still rings true: “If you can convince the lowest white man he’s better than the best colored man, he won’t notice you’re picking his pocket. Hell, give him somebody to look down on, and he’ll empty his pockets for you.”
Black voters have only been voting with full protections of the law since the passage of the Voting Rights Act of 1965 and we’ve seen those rights slowly eroded in courts across the nation. So as we make it harder for Blacks to even participate in the political process we must direct some of our attention to the real possible impediments to a Kamala Harris victory, the millions of white voters who consistently vote against their own interests, not the small percentage of possible Black male voters who may abstain. Even if Black men drop in participation for the Democratic party candidate to a rate of 8/10 voters they still surpass the 4/10 white voters who turnout for the Democratic party candidate.
Most political scientists can look to past trends and make a relative assumption that Kamala Harris and the Democratic party will yet again win the popular vote this election. However, Democrats winning over 270 electoral college votes to secure an actual victory seems to be the cause of a greater deal of uncertainty and consternation.
Indeed work needs to be done and it’s not just with Black men. It’s time to stop clutching pearls about the (in comparison) relatively small group of Black men who may move away, and instead focus on the need for progressive whites to have hard conversations with family members about not voting against their own interests.
Dr. Christina Greer is an associate professor at Fordham University. Her award-winning book “Black Ethnics: Race, Immigration, and the Pursuit of the American Dream’ (Oxford University Press) examines the ethnically diverse population of Blacks in the U.S. Her forthcoming manuscript “How to Build a Democracy: From Fannie Lou Hamer and Barbara Jordan to Stacey Abrams” (Cambridge University Press) will be available this winter.
Editor’s Note
“At Issue” is a weekly series featuring publicly engaged scholars whose work highlights key issues of importance. From efforts to reframe discussions about justice and inclusion, to the impact of public debates surrounding immigration and race, the series concludes with a prescription for how we move beyond the election to analyze, organize, and strategize on mutual priorities. The series challenges us to consider how key policy issues within this election may impact the future of higher education and beyond. The editor of the series is Dr. Khalilah L. Brown-Dean, the Rob Rosenthal Distinguished Professor of Civic Engagement and Executive Director of the Allbritton Center for the Study of Public Life at Wesleyan University. A scholar of voting rights, punishment, and civic engagement, she is author of the book “Identity Politics in the United States” and hosts the Gracie Award-winning radio show and podcast, “DISRUPTED.”